JX 1963 
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I LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 


UNITED STATES OF AMERICA 










































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A 

SOLEMN REVIEW 

4 . 

OF THE 

CUSTOM OF WAR, 

SHOWING - 

THAT WAR IS THE EFFECT OF POPULAR DELUSION, 

„ and 

PROPOSING A REMEDY. 


BY PHILO PACIFICUS. 


TENTH EDITION. 


NO I. 

u Shall the sword devour forever?” 

WE regard with horror the custom of the ancient heathens 
in offering their children in sacrifice to idols. We are shocked 
with the customs of the Hindoos, in prostrating themselves before 
the car of an idol to be crushed to death ; in burning women alive 
on the funeral piles of their husbands; in offering a monthly sac¬ 
rifice, by casting living children into the Ganges to be drowned. 
We read with astonishment of the sacrifices made in the papal 
crusades, and in the Mahometan and Hindoo pilgiimages We 
wonder at the blindness of Christian nations, who have esteemed it 
right and honourable to buy and sell Africans as property, and 
reduce them to bondage for life. But that which is fashionable 
and popular in a country is esteemed right and honorable, whatever 
may be its nature in the view of men better informed. 

But while we look back with a mixture of wonder, indignation 
and pity, on many of the customs of former ages, are we careful 
to inquire, whether some customs, which we deem honorable, are 
not the effect of popular delusion ? and whether they will not be 
so regarded by future generations ? Is it not a fact, that one of 
the most horrid customs of savage men, is now popular in every 
nation in Christendom ? What custom of the most barbarous 
nations is more repugnant to the feelings of piety, humanity and 







justice, than that of deciding controversies between nations by the 
edge of the sword, by powder and ball, or the point of the bayonet? 
What other savage custom has occasioned half the desolation 
and misery to the human race ? And what but the grossest in¬ 
fatuation, could render such a custom popular among rational 
beings ? 

When we consider how great a part of mankind have perished 
by the hands of each other, and how large a portion of human 
calamity has resulted from war ; it surely cannot appear indiffer¬ 
ent, whether this custom is or is not the effect of delusion. Cer¬ 
tainly there is no custom which deserves a more thorough examin¬ 
ation, than that which has occasioned more slaughter and misery, 
than all the other abominable customs of the heathen world. 

War has been so long fashionable among all nations, that its 
enormity is but little regarded ; or when thought of at all, it is 
usually considered as an evil necessary and unavoidable. Perhaps 
it is really so in the present state of society, and the present views 
of mankind. But the question to be considered is this; cannot the 
state of society and the views of civilized men be so changed, as 
to abolish a barbarous custom, and render wars unnecessary and 
avoidable ? 

If this question may be answered in the affirmative, then we may 
hope “ the sword will not devour forever.” 

Some may be ready to exclaim, none but God can produce such 
an effect as the abolition of war ; and we must wait for the millennial 
day. We admit that God only can produce the necessary change 
in the state of society, and the views of men ; but God works by 
human agency and human means. God only could have over¬ 
thrown the empire of Napoleon ; but this he did by granting suc¬ 
cess to the efforts of the allied powers. He only could have pro¬ 
duced such a change in the views of the British Nation, as to abol¬ 
ish the slave trade; yet the event was brought about by a long 
course of persevering and honorable exertions of benevolent men. 

When the thing was first proposed, it probably appeared to the 
majority of the people, as an unavailing and chimerical project. 
But God raised up powerful advocates, gave them the spirit of 
perseverance, and finally crowned their efforts with glorious suc¬ 
cess. Now it is probable, that thousands of people are wondering 
how such an abominable traffic ever had existence in a nation 
which had the least pretensions to Christianity or civilization. In a 
similar manner God can put an end to war, and fill the world 
with astonishment, that rational beings ever thought of such a mode 
of settling controversies. 

As to waiting for the millennium to put an end to war, without 
any exertions on our own part; this is like the sinner’s waiting God’s 
time for conversion, while he pursues his course of vice and impi¬ 
ety. If ever there shall be a millennium, in which the sword will 


3 


cease to devour, it will probably be effected by the blessing of God on 
the benevolent exertions of enlightened men. Perhaps no one thing 
is now a greater obstacle in the way of the wished for state of the 
church, than the spirit and custom of war, which is maintained 
by Christians themselves. Is it not then time, that efforts should 
be made to enlighten the minds of Christians on a subject of such 
infinite importance to the happiness of the human race ? 

It is not the present object to prove, that a nation may not defend 
their lives, their liberties and their property against an invading 
foe; but to inquire whether it is not possible to effect such a 
change in the views of men, that there shall be no occasion for 
defensive war. That such a state of things is desirable, no enligh¬ 
tened Christian can deny. That it can be produced without ex¬ 
pensive and persevering efforts is not imagined. But are not such 
efforts to exclude the miseries of war from the world as laudable, 
as those which have for their object the support of such a malignant 
and desolating custom ? 

The whole amount of property in the United States is probably 
of far less value, than what has been expended and destroyed 
within two centuries by wars in Christendom. Suppose, then, 
that one fifth of this amount had been judiciously laid out by Peace 
Associations in the different states and nations, in cultivating the 
spirit and art of peace, and in exciting a just abhorrence of war ; 
would not the other four fifths have been in a great measure saved, 
besides many millions of lives, and an immense portion of misery? 
Had the whole value of what has been expended in wars, been 
appropriated to the purpose of peace, how laudable would have 
been the appropriation, and how blessed the consequences! 

NO. II. 

That it is possible to produce such a state of society, as to 
exclude national wars, may appear probable from the following 
facts. 

1. It is impossible for the rulers of any one nation to do much 
in carrying on a war with another, without the aid of subjects, or 
the common people. 

2. A war between two nations is generally produced by the 
influence of a small number of ambitious and unprincipled individ¬ 
uals ; while the greater part of a nation has no hand in the business 
until war is proclaimed. 

3. A vast majority of every civilized nation have an aversion 
to war ; such an aversion that it requires much effort and man; 
agement, to work up their passions so far, that they are willing 
personally to engage in such hazardous and bloody conflicts. The 
more any people are civilized and christianized, the greater is their 
aversion to war ; and the more powerful exertions are necessary 


4 


to excite what is called the war spirit . Were it not for the influence 
of a few ambitious or revengeful men, an offensive war could not 
be undertaken with any prospect of success, except when the mass of 
the people are either uncivilized, or slaves. If then, as great exertions 
should be made to excite a just abhorrence of war, as have often 
been made to excite a war spirit, we may be very certain that rulers 
would find little encouragement to engage in any war, which is 
not strictly defensive And as soon as offensive wars shall cease, 
defensive wars will of course be unknown. 

4. It is an affront to common sense, to pretend that military 
officers and soldiers have no right to inquire whether a war be 

just or unjust; and that all they have to do is to obey the orders of 

government Such a doctrine is fit to be taught only to slaves 

without souls. If a man is called to fight, he should be faithfully 

informed, and fully satisfied, that he is not to act the part of a 
murderer, that the blood of men may not be required at his hands. 
Every soldier ought to be impressed with the idea, that offensive 
war is murderous, and that no government on earth has any right to 
compel him to shed blood in a wanton and aggressive war. Yet in 
the present state of general delusion, the soldiers and most of the 
citizens are treated as having no more right to judge of the justice 
or the injustice of a w*ar, than the horses employed in military ser¬ 
vice. On one side a war is certainly unjust and murderous. Yet 
on both sides it is considered as the duty of soldiers to submit to the 
orders of government, and fight, whether it be murder or not mur¬ 
der ! With the same propriety it might be considered as the duty 
of a citizen, to obey an order of government for murdering an 
individual of his own nation. 

5 National wars often originate from such petty offences, as 
would not justify the taking of a single life, and from false princi¬ 
ples of honor, which every Christian should abhor. What can be 
more perfect delusion, than to suppose the honor of a nation re¬ 
quires a declaration of war for such offences as w^ould not justify 
one individual in taking the life of another i Or* what can be more 
absurd than to suppose the honor of a nation requires going to war, 
while there is not even the prospect of advantage ? Is such petu¬ 
lance, as would disgrace a common citizen, or such a revengeful 
spirit, as would disgrace a savage, becoming the dignity of a 
national government, or the ruler of a Christian people '! 

To sacrifice human beings to false notions of national honor, 
or to the ambition or avarice of rulers, is no better than to offer 
them to Moloch, or any other heathen deity. As soon as the eyes 
of people can be opened to see that w^ar is the effect of delusion, it 
will then become as unpopular as any other heathenish mode of 
offering human sacrifices. 

It is enough to fill the mind of any reflecting man with horror, 
to think of the millions of his fellow men, who have been sacrificed 


the ambition, the avarice, the petulance, or the profligacy of 
ungodly rulers. How shocking the thought, of armies meeting 
under the influence of enmity, artificially excited, to plunge their 
bayonets into the breasts of each other ; and thus to offer human 
sacrifices by thousands, to some idolized phantom of ambitious or 
revengeful men ! In every war that has taken place, the soldiers, 
on one side or the other, have been either the slaves or the dupes of 
deluded or unprincipled rulers. The soldiers on each side often meet 
without ever having experienced the least injury from each other ; 
with no enmity but what has been artificially excited, and without 
having the least ground to be offended with each other, any more 
than they had in a time of perfect peace. Yet those who never 
had any provocation from one another, nor any hand in proclaim¬ 
ing the war, are by art inspired with enmity, and made to thirst 
for each other’s blood, and to perish by each other’s hands. A 
more barbarous mode of offering human sacrifices was never prac¬ 
tised by the most savage nations ; nor one, it is believed, more 
abhorrent in the eyes of Heaven. 

Public wars and private duels seem to be practised on similar 
principles. Gentlemen may fight and kill for petty offences; but 
if common people do the same, they aie hanged as murderers. 
Gentlemen of the sword cannot wait the slow operation of law, 
for the redress of supposed wrongs, but must show themselves men 
of spirit, that is, ready to kill for an offensive word What is 
deemed honorable virtue in them, is sham eful vice in other people. 
That benevolent, forbearing spirit, which is the glory of good 
people, is thought beneath the dignity of a gentleman of honor. 
First to give a challenge, and thus notify a man of a wish to kill 
him, is supposed to exclude the .-in of murder So in regard to 
war makers, that magnanimity and forbearance, wfffich would adorn 
the character of a private Christian, is despised by the ambitious 
ruler, in relation to himself And that petulance, rashness and 
disregard to the lives of others, which would render a private 
citizen the object of just and general abhorrence, are regarded by 
many, as honorable traits in the character of one who is exalted to 
rule over men If in the exercise of this haughty, unfeeling and 
vindictive temper, he declares war, this declaration, he fancies, 
will secure him from the guilt of murder. Thus thousands after 
thousands are sacrificed on the altar of his ungodly ambition ; and 
every means, which ingenuity can invent, is employed to delude 
the unfortunate victims, and make them believe, that with such 
sacrifices God is well pleased. 

There is however one circumstance usually attending public 
wars, which renders them more detestable than private duels. 
The duellist usually has the generosity to do his own fighting ; 
but war makers usually have the meanness to avoid the dangers 
which they create, and to call on other people to fight their 
battles. 


i 


Duelling is indeed a horrible custom; but war is as much 
more horrible, as it is more desolating and ruinous. As to the 
principles on which war is practised, it has no advantage of duel¬ 
ling. It is in fact national duelling , attended generally with this 
dishonourable circumstance, that those who give and accept the 
challenge, call together a multitude of seconds, and then have not 
the magnanimity, first to risk their own lives, but they involve 
their seconds in a bloody contest, while they themselves stand re¬ 
mote from danger, as spectators, or at most as directors of the 
awful combat. Or perhaps more commonly, after issuing their 
bloody mandate, they indulge in pleasure, regardless of the suffer¬ 
ing of others So “ the king and Haman sat down to drink ; but 
the city Shushan was perplexed.” 

I 

NO. III. 

In favour of war several pleas will probably be made. 

First. Some will plead that the Israelites were permitted and 
even commanded to make war on the inhabitants of Canaan. To 
this it may be answered, that the Giver and Arbiter of life had a 
-right, if he pleased, to make use of the savage customs of the age, 
for punishing guilty nations. If any government of the present 
day should receive a commission to make war, as the Israelites 
did, let the order be obeyed. But until they have such a com¬ 
mission, let it not be imagined that they can innocently make 
war. 

As a farther answer to this plea, we have to observe, that God 
has given encouragement, that under the reign of the Messiah, 
there shall be such a time of peace, “ that nation shall not lift up 
a sword against nation, neither shall they learn war any more.” 
Micah iv. 3 . If this prediction shall ever be fulfilled, the present 
delusion in favour of war must be done away. How then are we 
to expect the way will be prepared for the accomplishment of the 
prediction’ Probably this is not to be done by miraculous agency, 
but by the blessing of God on the benevolent exertions of indi¬ 
viduals to open the eyes of their fellow mortals, in respect to the 
evils and delusions of war, and the blessings of peace. Those who 
shall be the instruments of producing so important a change in the 
views of men, will be in an eminent sense “ peace makers,” and 
will be entitled to the appellation and privileges of “ the sons of 
God.” How much more glorious the achievement to conquer 
the prejudices and delusions of men on this subject by kindness 
and reason, than to conquer the world by the edge of the sword ! 

A second plea in favour of the custom of war may be this— 
that war is an advantage to a nation, as it usually takes off many 
vicious and dangerous characters. But does not war make two 
such characters for every one it removes ? Is it not in fact the 


greatest school of depravity, and the greatest source of mischiev¬ 
ous and dangerous characters that ever existed among men ? Does 
not a state of war lower down the standard of morality in a 
nation, so that a vast portion of common vice is scarcely observed 
as evil ? 

Besides, is it not awful to think of sending vicious men beyond 
the means of reformation, and the hope of repentance ! When 
they are sent into the army, what is this but consigning them to a 
state where they will rapidly fill up the measure of their iniquity, 
and become “fitted to destruction !” 

Thirdly. It will be pleaded, that no substitute for war can be 
devised, which will insure to a nation a redress of wrongs. In 
reply we may ask, Is it common for a nation to obtain a redress 
of wrongs by war ? As to redress , do not the wars of nations 
resemble boxing at a tavern, when both the combatants receive a 
terrible bruising, then drink together and make peace; each, how¬ 
ever, bearing for a long time the marks of his folly and madness ? 
A redress of wrongs by war is so uncommon, that unless revenge 
is redress, and multiplied injuries satisfaction, we should suppose 
that none but madmen w r ould run the hazard. 

But if the eyes of people could be opened in regard to the evils 
and delusions of war, would it not be easy to form a confederacy 
of nations, and organize a high court of equity, to decide national 
controversies ? Why might not such a court be composed of some 
of the most eminent characters from each nation; and a compli¬ 
ance with the decision of the court be made a point of national 
honor, to prevent the effusion of blood, and to preserve the bless¬ 
ings of peace ( Can any considerate person say, that the proba¬ 
bility of obtaining right in such a court, would be less than by an 
appeal to aims ? When an individual appeals to a court of justice 
for the redress of wrongs, it is not always the case that he obtains 
his right. Still such an appeal is more honorable, more safe, and 
more certain, as well as more benevolent, than for the individual 
to attempt to obtain redress by his pistol or his sword. And are 
not the reasons for avoiding an appeal to the sword, for the redress 
of wrongs, always gTeat in proportion to the calamities, which such 
an appeal must naturally involve ? If this be a fact, then there is 
infinitely greater reason, why two nations should avoid an appeal 
to arms, than usually exists against a bloody combat between two 
contending individuals. 

In the fourth place it may be urged, that a spirit of forbearance 
on the part of a national government, would operate as an invitation 
to repeated insult and aggression. 

But is this plea founded on facts and experience ? Does it ac¬ 
cord with what is w r ell known of human nature ? Who are the 
persons in society that most frequently receive insult and abuse ? 
Are they the meek, the benevolent, and the forbearing? Do 


8 


these more commonly have reason to complain, than persons of 
quick resentment, who aie ready to fight on the least provocation ? 

There are two sects of professed Christians in this country, who, 
as sects, are peculiar in their opinions respecting jhe lawfulness of 
war, and the right of repelling injury by violence. These are the 
Quakers and the Shakers. They are remarkably pacific. Now 
we ask, does it appear from experience that their forbearing spirit 
brings on them a greater portion of injury and insult, than what is 
experienced by people of other sects V Is not the reverse of this 
true in fact r There may indeed be some instances of such gross 
depravity, as a person's taking advantage of their pacific character, 
to do them injury, with the hope of impunity. But in general, 
it is believed, their pacific principles and spirit command the 
esteem even of the vicious, and operate as a shield from insult 
and abuse 

The question may be brought home to every society. How 
seldom do children of a mild, forbearing temper experience insult 
or injury, compared with the waspish, who will sting if touched ? 
The same inquiry may be made in respect to persons of these oppo¬ 
site descriptions of every age, and in every situation of life ; and the 
result will be favorable to the point in question. 

Should any deny the applicability of these examples to national 
rulers, we have the pleasure of being able to produce one example, 
which is undeniably applicable. 

When William Penn took the government of Pennsylvania, he 
distinctly avowed to the Indians his forbearing and pacific principles, 
and his benevolent wishes for uninterrupted peace with them. On 
these principles the government was administered, while it remain¬ 
ed in the hands of the Quakers. What then was the effect ( Did 
this pacific character in government invite aggression and insult ? 
Let the answer be given in the language of the Edinburgh Review 
of the Life of William Penn. Speaking of the treaty made by 
Penn with the Indians, the Reviewer says:— 

“ Such indeed was the spirit in which the negotiation was entered 
into, and the corresponding settlement conducted, that for the space 
of more than seventy years,— and so long indeed as the quakers 
retained the chief power in the government, the peace and amity, 
which had been thus solemnly promised and concluded, never was 
violated; and a large though solitary example afforded, of the 
facility with which they, who are really sincere and friendly in their 
views, may live in harmony with those who are supposed to be 
peculiarly fierce and faithless 

Shall then this “solitary" but successful “example" never be 
imitated ? “ Shall the sword devour forever V 9 




No. IV. 

Some of’ the evils of war have already been mentioned, but the 
field is almost boundless. The demoralizing and depraving effects 
of war cannot be too seriously considered We have heard much 
of the corrupting tendency of some of the rites and customs of the 
heathen ; but what custom of the heathen nations had a greater 
effect in depraving the human character, than the custom of war ? 
What is that feeling usually called a war spirit, but a deleterious 
compound of enthusiastic ardor, ambition, malignity, and revenge ? 
a compound, which as really endangers the soul of the possessor, as 
the life of his enemy 1 Who, but a person deranged or deluded, 
would think it safe to rush into the presence of his Judge, with his 
heart boiling with enmity, and his brother’s blood dripping from 
his hands! Yet in time of war, how much pains is taken to 
excite and maintain this bloodthirsty disposition, as essential to 
success! 

The profession of a soldier exposes him to sudden and untimely 
death, and at the same time hardens his heart, and renders him 
regardless of h;s final account. When a person goes into the ar¬ 
my, it is expected of him, that he will rise above the fear of death. 
In doing this he too commonly rises above the fear of God, and all 
serious concern for his soul. It is not denied that some men sus¬ 
tain virtuous characters amidst the contaminating vapours of a 
camp ; and some may be reformed by a sense of the dangers to 
which they are exposed; but these are uncommon occurences. 

The depravity, occasioned by war, is not confined to the army. 
Every species of vice gains ground in a nation during a war. 
And when a war is brought to a close, seldom, perhaps, does a 
community return to its former standard of morals. In time of 
peace, vice and irreligion generally retain the ground they acquired 
by war. As every war augments the amount of national de¬ 
pravity, so it proportionably increases the dangers and miseries 
of society.* 

* It has been suggested by a friend, that there is an exception to this ac¬ 
count—that Great Britain has been engaged in war the greater part of the 
time for a century, and that probably the moral and religious character of 
the nation has been improvedduring that period. 

Admitting the correctness of this statement, it amounts to no more than 
one exception from a general rule; and this one may be accounted for, on 
tlie ground of singular facts. 

1. The Island of Great Britain has not been the seat of -war for a long 
course of years. The wars of that nation have been carried on abroad ; and 
their army and navy have had little intercourse with the population at 
home. This mode of warfare has tended to remove fromtheir own country 
the corrupting influence of military camps. Had their Island been the 
seat of war for eighty years out of a hundred, the effects would, in a great 
measure, have been reversed. But 

3 


10 


Among the evil effects of war, a wanton undervaluing of human 
life ought to be mentioned- This effect may appear in various 
forms. When a war is declared for the redress of some wrong, 
in regard to property, if nothing but property be taken into con¬ 
sideration, the result is not commonly better, than spending five 
hundred dollars in a law suit, to recover a debt of ten. But 
when we come to estimate human lives against dollars and cents, 
how are we confounded ! “ All that a man hath will he give for his 
life ” Yet, by the custom of war men are so deluded, that a ruler 
may give fifty or a hundred thousand lives, when only a trifling 
amount of property is in question, and when the probabilities are 
as ten to one against him, that even that small amount will not be 
secured by the contest. It must however again be remaiked, that 
war makers do not usually give their own lives , but the lives of 
others . How often has a war been declared with the prospect that 
not less than 50,000 lives must be sacrificed ; and while the chief 
agent in making the war would not have given his own life, to -e- 
cure to his nation every thing that he claimed from the other ? And 
are rulers to be upheld in thus gambling away the lives of others, 
while they are careful to secure their own r If people in general 
could obtain just views of this species ofgambling, rulers would not 
make wars with impunity. How little do they consider the 
misery and wretchedness which they bring on those, for whom they* 
should exercise the kindness and care of a father ? Doe- it not appear 
that they regard the lives of soldiers as mere property, which they may* 
sacrifice, or barter away at pleasure r War is in truth the most 
dreadful species of gambling. Rulers are the gamblers. The lives 
and property of their subjects are the things they put to hazard in the 
game; and he that is most successful in doing mischief, is consid¬ 
ered as the best gamester. 

If by the custom of war, rulers learn to undervalue the lives of 
their own subjects, how much more do they undervalue the lives of 
their enemies! As they learn to hear of the loss of five hundred, or 
a thousand of their own men, with perhaps less feeling than they 
would hear of the death of a favorite horse or dog ; so they learn to 
hear of the death of thousands after thousands on the side of the 
enemy, with joy and exultation. If their own men have succeeded 

2. There have been within 20 years, singular efforts in that nation, which 
have had a tendency to counteract the moral influence of war. Their Mis¬ 
sionary Societies, their Bible Societies, and a vast number of religious, 
moral, and charitable institutions, must have had a powerful and favorable 
influence on the character of the nation. By these y avid not by wars, the 
moral state of the nation has been improved. 

After all, we are perhaps not very adequate judges of the present de¬ 
pravity in that nation. Their army and navy may still be considered in es¬ 
timating the amount of national depravity, as well as of population. Let 
these return home, be disbanded, and mixed with the general mass of cit¬ 
izens ; what then would be the moral state of society in Great Britain ? 


£1 


in taking an unimportant fortress, or a frigate, with the loss of fifty 
lives on their own side, and fifty-one on the other, this is a matter 
of joy and triumph. This time they have got the game. But alas ! 
at what expense to others ! This expense, however, does not inter¬ 
rupt the joy of war makers. They leave it to the wounded and the 
friends of the dead to feel and to mourn . 

This dreadful depravity of feeling is not confined to rulers in 
time of war The army becomes abandoned to such depravity. 
They learn to undervalue not only the lives of their enemies, but 
even their own ; and will often wantonly rush into the arms of death, 
for the sake of military glory. And more or less of the same want 
of feeling, and the same undervaluing of human life, extends through 
the nation, in proportion to the frequency of battles, and the dura¬ 
tion of war 

If any thing be done by the army of one nation, which is deemed 
by the other as contrary to the modern usages in war *, how soon do 
we hear the exclamations, of Goths and Vandals! Yet what are 
the war spirit in them, better than the spirit of Goths and Vandals ? 
When the war spirit is excited, it is not always to be circumscribed 
in its operations, by the refinements of civilization It is at best a 
Christians at war, better than those barbarous tribes r and what is 
bloody and desolating spirit. 

What is our boast of civilization, or Christianization, while we 
tolerate, as popular and justifiable, the most horrid custom which 
ever resulted from human wickedness! Should a period arrive 
when the nations “ shall learn war no morewhat will posterity 
think of our claims, as Christians, and civilized men ? The custom 
of sacrificing men by war may appear to them as the llachest of all 
heathen superstitions. Its present popularity may appear as wonder¬ 
ful to ages to come, as the past popularity of any ancient custom 
now does to us. What! they may exclaim, could those be Christians , 
who would sacrifice men by thousands to a point of honor> falsely 
so called ; or to obtain a redress of a trifling wrong in regard to 
property ! If such were the customs of Christians, what were they 
better than the heathens of their own time r 

Perhaps some apologist may rise up in that day, and plead, 
that it appears from the history of our times, that it was supposed 
necessary to the safety of a nation, that its government should be 
quick to assume a warlike tone and attitude, upon every infringe¬ 
ment of their rights ; that magnanimous forbearance was considered 
as pusillanimity, and that Christian meekness was thought intolerable 
in the character of a ruler. 

To this others may reply—Could these professed Christians ima¬ 
gine, that their safety depended on displaying a spirit the reverse of 
their Master’s ? Could they suppose such a temper best calculated 
to insure the protection of him, who held their destiny in his hands ? 
Did they not know that wars were of a demoralizing tendency, and 


12 


that the greatest danger of a nation resulted from its corruption and 
depravity ? Did they not also know, that a haughty spirit of re¬ 
sentment in one government, was very sure to provoke a similar spirit 
in another ? that one war usually paved the way for a repetition of 
similar calamities by depraving each of the contending parties, and 
by fixing enmities and jealousies, which would be ready to break 
forth on the most frivolous occasions ? 

No. V. - ; ’ • 

That we may obtain a still clearer view of the delusions of war, 
let us look back to the origin of society. Suppose a family, like 
that of Noah, to commence the settlement of a country They 
multiply into a number of distinct families. Then in the course of 
years they become so numerous as to form distinct government?. 
In any stage of their progress, unfortunate disputes might arise by 
the imprudence, the avarice, or the ambition of individuals 

Now at what period would it be proper to introduce the custom 
of deciding controversies by the edge of the sword, or an appeal to 
arms ? Might this be done when the families had increased to ten ? 
Who would not be shocked at the madness of introducing such a 
custom under such circumstances r Might it then with more pro¬ 
priety be done when the families had multiplied to fifty, or to a 
hundred, or a thousand, or ten thousand ? The greater the number, 
the greater the danger, the greater the carnage and calamity. Besides, 
what reason can be given, why this mode of deciding controversies 
would not be as proper when there were but ten families, as when 
there were ten thousand. And why might not tw r o individuals thus 
decide disputes, as well as two nations ? 

Perhaps all will admit that the custom could not be honorably 
introduced, until they separated, and formed two or more distinct 
governments. But would this change of circumstances dissolve their 
ties as brethren,, and their obligations as accountable beings l Would 
the organization of distinct governments confer a right on rulers to 
appeal to arms for the settlement of controversies ; Is it not manifest, 
that no period can be assigned, at which the introduction of such a 
custom would not be absolute murder ? And shall a custom, which 
must have been murderous at its commencement, be now upheld as 
necessary and honorable ! 

But, says the objector, in determining the question, whether war 
is now the effect of delusion, we must consider what mankind are 
and not what they would have been, had wars never been introduced. 

To this we reply : We should consider both ; and by what ought 
to have been the »tate of society, w T e may discover the present delu¬ 
sion, and the need of light and reformation. If it would have been 
to the honor of the human race, had the custom of war never 
commenced, it must be desirable to dispel the present darkness, and 


vs 


exterminate the desolating scourge. The same objection might 
have been made to the proposition in the British parliament for the 
abolition of the slave trade ; the same may now be made against 
any attempt to abolish the custom of human sacrifices among the 
Hindoos ; yea, the same may be urged against every attempt to 
root out pernicious and immoral customs of long standing. 

Let it then be seriously considered how abominably murderous 
the custom must have been in its origin ; how precarious the mode 
of obtaining redress; how often the aggressor is successful ; how 
smali a part even of the successful nation is ever benefitted by the 
war ; how a nation is almost uniformly impoverished by the contest; 
how many individuals are absolutely ruined as to property, or 
morals, or both ; and what a multitude of fellow creatures are hur¬ 
ried into eternity in an untimely manner, and an unprepared state. 
And who can hesitate a moment to denounce war as the effect of 
% popular delusion ? 

Let every Christian seriously consider the malignant nature of 
that spirit which war makers evidently wish to excite, and compare 
it with the temper of Jesus, and where is the Christian who would 
not shudder at the thought of dying in the exercise of the common 
war spirit, and also at the thought of being the instrument of 
exciting such a spirit in his fellow men ? Any custom, which cannot 
be supported but by exciting in men the very temper of the devil, 
ought surely to be banished from the Christian world 

The impression, that aggressive war is murderous, is general 
among Christians, if not universal. The justness of this impression 
seems to be admitted by almost every government in going to war. 
For this reason each of two governments endeavors to hx on the 
other the charge of aggression, and to assume to itself the ground 
of defending some right, or avenging some wrong. Thus each 
excuses itself, and charges the other with all the blood and misery, 
which result from the contest. 

These facts, however, are so far from affording a plea in favor of 
the custom of war, that they afford a weighty reason for its abolition.- 
Jf in the view of conscience, the aggressor is a murderer, and answer- 
able for the blood shed in war ; if one or the other must be viewed 
by God as the aggressor; and if such is the delusion attending war, 
that each party is liable to consider the other as the aggressor; surely 
there must be serious danger of a nation’s being involved in the 
guilt of murder, while they imagine they have a cause which may¬ 
be justified. 

So prone are men to be blinded by their passions, their prejudices 
and their interests, that inmost private quarrels, each of two indivi¬ 
duals persuades himself that he is in the right, and his neighbor in 
the wrong. Hence the propriety of arbitrations, references, and ap¬ 
peals to courts of justice, that persons more disinterested may judge, 
and prevent that injustice and desolation, which would result from 
deciding private disputes by single combat or acts of violence. 


But rulers of nations are as liable to be misled by their passions 
and interests as other men; and when misled, they are very sure 
to mislead those of their subjects, who have confidence in their 
wisdom and integrity. Hence it is highly important that the cus¬ 
tom of war should be abolished, and some other mode adopted, to 
settle disputes between nations. In private disputes there rnay be 
cause of complaint on each side, while neither has reason to shed 
the blood of the other ; much less to shed the blood of innocent family 
connexions, neighbors and friends So of two nations, each may 
have cause of complaint, while neither can be justified in making 
war and much less in shedding the blood of innocent people, who 
have had no hand in giving the olfence. 

It is an awful feature in the character of war, and a strong reason 
why it should not be countenanced, that it involves the innocent 
with the guilty in the calamities it inflicts ; and often falls with the 
greatest vengeance on those, who have had no concern in the manage¬ 
ment of national affairs, It surely is not a crime to be born in a coun¬ 
try, which is afterwards invaded ; yet in how many instances do w T ar 
makers punish or destroy, for no other crime than being a native or 
resident of an invaded territory. A mode of revenge or redress, which 
makes no distinction between the innocent and the guilty, ought 
to be discountenanced by every friend to justice and humanity. 

Besides, as the rulers of a nation are as liable as other people, to 
be governed by passion and prejudice, there is as little prospect of 
justice in permitting war for the decision of national disputes, as 
there would be in permitting an incensed individual to be, in his own 
cause, complainant, witness, judge, jury, and executioner. In what 
point of view, then, is war not to be regarded with horror P 

No, VI. 

That wars have been so over ruled by God. as to be the occasion 
of some benefits to mankind, will not be denied; foi the same may be 
said of every fashion or custom that ever was popular among men. 
War may have been the occasion of advancing useful arts and 
sciences, and even of the spread of the gospel. But we are not to do 
evil that good may come, nor to countenance evil because God may 
over-rule it for good 

One advantage of war, which has often been mentioned, is this— 
it gives opportunity for the display of extraordinary talents, of dar¬ 
ing enterprize and intrepidity. But let robbery and piracy become 
as popular as war has been, and will not these customs give as great 
opportunity for the display of the same talents and qualities of 
mind Shall we therefore encourage robbery and piracy ? Indeed, 
it may be asked, do we not encourage these crimes? For what 
is modern warfare but a popular, refined and legalized mode of 
robbery, piracy and murder, preceded by a proclamation, giving 


15 


notice of the purpose of the war maker ? But whether such a 
proclamation changes the character of the following enormities, is 
a question to be decided at a higher court than that of any earthly 
sovereign, and by a law superior to ihe law of nations. 

The answer of a pirate to Alexander the Great was as just as it 
was severe ; “By what right,” said the king, “ do you infest the seas r” 
The pirate replied, “ By the same that you infest the universe. 
But because I do it in a small ship, I am called a robber ; and be¬ 
cause you do the same acts with a great fleet, you are called a conque¬ 
ror ” 

Equally just was the language of the Scythian ambassadors to 
the same deluded monarch : 4 Thou boastest that the only design of 
thy marches is to extirpate robbers. Thou thyself art the greatest 
robber in the world” 

May we then plead for the custom of war, because it produces 
such mighty robbers as Alexander ? Or if once in an age it should 
produce such a character as Washington, will this make amends 
for the slaughter of twenty millions of human beings, and all the 
©ther concomilant evils of wan 1 

If the characters of such men as Alexander had been held in just 
abhorrence by mankind, this single circumstance would probably 
have saved many millions from untimely death But the celebrity 
which delusion has given to that desolating robber, and he renown 
attached to his splendid crimes - have excited the ambition of others, 
in every succeeding age, and filled the world with misery and blood. 

Is it not then time for Christians to learn not to attach glory to 
guilt, or to praise actions which God will condemn ? That Alex¬ 
ander possessed talents worthy of admiration, will be admitted. 
But when such talents are prostituted to the vile pu pose of military 
fame, by spreading destruction and misery through the world, a 
character is formed, which should be branded with everlasting in¬ 
famy. And nothing perhaps short of the commission of such atro¬ 
cious deeds, can more endanger the welfare of community, than the 
applause given to successful military desperadoes. Murder and 
robbery are not the less criminal for being perpetrated by a king, 
or a mighty warrior. Nor will the applause of deluded mortals 
secure such monsters from the vengeance of Heaven. 

Dr. Prideaux states, that in the fifty battles fought by Csesar, he 
slew one million one hundred and ninety two thousand of his enemies. 
If to this number we add the loss of troops on his own side, and the 
slaughter of women and children on both sides, we shall probably 
have a total of two millions of human beings, sacrificed to the 
ambition of one man. 

If we assign an equal number to Alexander, and the same to 
Napoleon, which we probably may do with justice, then to three 
military butchers, we may ascribe the untimely death of six millions 
of the human family: a number equal to the whole population of the 


16 


United States, in the year 1800. *s it not then reasonable to believe, 
that a greater number of human beings have been slain 'by the 
murderous custom of war, than the whole amount of the present 
population of the world ? To what heathen deity was there ever 
offered such a multitude of human sacrifices, as have been offered 
to human ambition ? 

Shall then the Christian world remain silent in regard to the enor¬ 
mity of this custom,and even applaud the deeds of men, who were 
a curse to the age in which they lived t men, whose talents were em¬ 
ployed, not in advancing the happiness of the human race, but in 
spreading desolation and misery through the world ! On the same 
principle that such men are applauded, we may applaud the chief of 
a band of robbers and pirates in proportion to his ingenuity, intre¬ 
pidity, and address, in doing mischief. If the chief displays these 
energies of mind in a high degree in a successful course of plun¬ 
dering and murder, then he is a “ mighty hunter a man of great 
renown. « 

But if we attach glory to such exploits, do we not encourage 
others to adopt the same road to fame ? Besides, does not such 
applause betray a most depraved taste ; a taste which makes no 
proper distinction between virtue and vice, or doing good and doing 
mischief; a taste to be captivated with the glare of bold exploits, 
but regardless of the end to which they are directed, the means by 
whih they are accomplished, the misery which they occasion to 
others, and the light in which they must be viewed by a benevolent 
God? 

No. VII. 

An important question now occurs. By what means is it possible t® 
produce such a change in the state of society, andthe views of Chris¬ 
tian nations, that every ruler shall feel that his own honor, safety and 
happiness, depend on his displaying a pacific spirit, and forbearing 
to engage in offensive wars ? Is it not possible to form powerful 
Peace Societies, in every nation of Christendom, whose object shall 
be, to support government and secure the nation from war ? 

In such societies we may hope to engage every true minister of 
the Prince of peace, and every Christian who possesses the temper 
of his Master. In this number would be included a large portion 
of important civil characters. 

Having formed societies for this purpose, let the contributions be 
liberal, in some measure corresponding with the magnitude and 
importance of the object. Let these be judiciously appropriated to 
the purpose of diffusing light, and the spirit of peace in every di¬ 
rection, and for exciting a just abhorrence of war in every breast. 

Let printing presses be established in sufficient numbers tofill 
every land with newspapers, tracts and periodic;*! works, adapted 


17 


to the pacific design of the societies. Let these all be calculated 
for the support and encouragement of good rulers, and for the 
cultivation of a mild and pacific temper among every class of citizens. 

The object would be so perfectly harmonious with the spirit, the 
design, and the glory of the gospel, that it might be frequently the 
subject of discussion in the pulpit; the subject of sabbath and every 
day conversation, and be introduced into our daily prayers to God, 
whether in public or private. 

Another means of advancing the object, deserves particular 
consideration ; namely, early education. This grand object should 
have a place in every plan of education, in families, common schools, 
academies and universities. 

“ Train up a child in the way he should go, and when he is old, 
he will not depart from it.*' The power of education has been tried 
to make children of a ferocious, blood thirsty character. Let it 
now have a fair chance, to see what it will do towards making 
mild, friendly and peaceful citizens. 

As there is an aversion to war in the breasts of a large majority 
of people in every civilized community; and as its evils have been 
recently felt in every Christian nation ; is there not ground to hope, 
that it would be as easy to excite a disposition for peace, as a dis¬ 
position for war ? If then Peace Societies should be formed, and 
such means be put in operation, as have been suggested ,is it not 
very certain, that the most beneficial effects would result? Would 
they not gradually produce an important change in the views and 
state of society, and give a new character to Christian nations ? 
What institution or project would more naturally unite all pious. 
and virtuous men ? And on what efforts could we more reasonably 
hope for the blessing of the God of peace ? 

Should prudent, vigorous, and well conducted efforts be made* 
in a century from this time, the nations of Christendom may consi¬ 
der human sacrifices, made by war, in the same light they now 
view the ancient sacrifices to Moloch ; or in the light of wanton and 
deliberate murder. And such a change in the views of men must 
conduce to the' security and stability of human governments, and to 
the felicity of the world. As soon as Christian nations are impres¬ 

sed with the importance of this change, they may find access to th 
heathen. But while Christians indulge the custom of war, whicl 
is in truth the very worst custom in the world, with what face ca 
they reprove the heathen, or assume among them the office of in 
structors ! “ Physician, heal thyself. 9 ' 

The Bible Societies, already formed in various parts of the world, 
must naturally and even necessarily aid the object now proposed. 
Indeed, the two objects are so congenial, that whatever promotes the 
one, will aid the other. Nor is it easy to see how any Bible So¬ 
ciety could refrain from voluntarily affording all possible encour¬ 
agement to Peace Societies. The same may be said of all mission- 
3 


4 


IS 


ary societies, and societies for propagating the gospel. Should 
these all cordially cooperate, they must form a most powerful as¬ 
sociation. 

But our hopes and expectations are not limited here. The 
societies o Friends and Shakers will come in of course, and cordi¬ 
ally contribute to the glorious object. May we not also expect a 
ready acquiescence from the particular churches of every denomi¬ 
nation in the land f And why may we not look to the various 
literary and political societies, for aid in a plan, w'hich has the 
security, the peace, and the happiness of the world for its object. 

That there are obstacles and objections to be encountered we 
cannot deny; but it is confidently believed, that there are none 
insurmountable ; because God will aid in such a cause, and the 
time is at hand, when his prediction shall be ful lied 

As the object is not of a party nature, and as party distinctions 
and party purposes have been excluded from the discussion, it is 
hoped no objection will arise from the present state of political 
. parties in this country. The supposed delusion in respect to war 
is confined to no nation, nor to any political sect in any country. 
What has been said on the subject has not been designed for the 
purpose of reproach against any class of men; but with a desire 
to befriend and benefit all who have not examined the subject; and 
to rouse Christians to one united and vigorous effort to bless the 
world with peace. 

An eloquent speech, delivered by Mr. Wilberforce in the Btitish 
Parliament, in favour of propagating Christianity in India, with a 
view to abolish human sacrifices in that country, contains some 
observations, which we hope he will repeat in the same house on 
the present subject: 

“ It was, 5 * said he, “ formerly my task to plead the cause of 
a people, whose woes affected every heart, and who were finally 
rescued from the situation in which they groaned, by the abolition 
of the slave trade. That cause was doubtless the cause of suffering 
humanity ; but I declare, that if we entirely exclude the consider¬ 
ation of religion, humanity appears to me to be still more concerned 
in the cause I am now pleading, than in that for which I was for¬ 
merly the advocate .’’— u I, for my part, consider it as absolute 
blasphemy to believe that that great Being, to whom we owe our 
existence, has doomed so large a portion of mankind to remain 
forever in that state in which we see the natives of India at this day. 
I am confident his providence has furnished remedies fitted to the 
case, and I hold it to be our duty to apply them. And I am sa¬ 
tisfied, that not only may this be safely attempted, but that its 
accomplishment will be in the highest degree beneficial.” 

May God grant that this powerful advocate for “ suffering hu¬ 
manity” may have his heart fervently engaged for the abolition of 
the war trade. Here he may find a new and ample field for the 


display of his piety, his philanthropy and his eloquence. With the 
greatest propriety he may state, that the miseries, occasioned by the 
universal custom of war, are far more dreadful, than those occa¬ 
sioned by either of the limited customs, for the abolition of which 
he has so honorably and successfully contended. 

If it would be blasphemy to believe that God has doomed so great 
a portion of his creatures, as the natives of India, to remain forever 
the subjects of their present delusions respecting human sacrifices : 
can it be less than blasphemy to believe that he has doomed not 
only all Christendom, but all the nations of the earth, to be forever 
so deluded, as to support the most desolating custom, which ever 
resulted from human depravity, or which ever afflicted the race of 
Adam ? Here with sincerity I can adopt the words of Mr. Wil- 
berforce—“ I am confident that his providence has furnished 
remedies fitted to the case; and I hold it to be our duty to apply 
them .' 7 

I have till now avoided the mention of our present war,* that 
nothing should appear calculated to excite party feelings. But as 
the present calamity is severely felt, I must be permitted to express 
my hope, that the affliction will favor the present object. If our 
distresses may be the occasion of opening the eyes of this people to 
seethe delusions of war in general, and of exciting them to suitable 
exertions to prevent a return of such a calamity, an important be¬ 
nefit may result not only to posterity, but to the world. For if 
suitable ‘-xertions should be made in this country, the influence 
will not be bounded by the Atlantic ; it will cross the ocean, and 
find its way into the Bible Societies and other religious societies 
in Great Britain, and on the continents of Europe, Asia and Africa. 
Nor wall it be many years before it will find access to the houses of 
legislation and the palaces of kings. 

Here Christians of every sect may find an object worthy of their 
attention, and in which they may cordially unite. For this object 
they may with propriety leave behind all party zeal and party dis¬ 
tinctions, and bury their animosities in one united effort, to give 
peace to the world. 

Let lawyers, politicians and divines, and men of eveiy class who 
can write or speak, consecrate their talents to the diffusion of light, 
and love, and peace. Should there be an effort, such as the object 
demands, God will grant his blessing, posterity will be grateful, 
heaven will be filled with joy and praise, and “ the sword shall not 
devour forever.” 

“This was first published just before the close of the last war with Britain 


20 


No. Vi II. 

Let not the universality of the custom be regarded as an objec¬ 
tion to making the attempt. If the custom be wicked and destructive, 
the more universal, the more important is a reformation. If war 
is ever to be set aside, an effort must some time be made ; and why 
not now, as well as at any future day ? What objection can now 
be stated, which may not be brought forward at any after period ? 

If men must have objects for the display of heroism, let their 
intrepidity be shown in firmly meeting the formidable prejudices 
of a world in favor of war. Here is an opportunity for the display 
of such heroism as will occasion no remorse on a dying bed, and 
such as God will approve at the final reckoning. In this cause, 
ardent zeal, genuine patriotism, undaunted fortitude, the spirit of 
enterprize, and every quality of mind worthy of a hero, may be 
gloriously displayed. Who ever displayed a more heroic spirit than 
St. Paul ? For such heroism and love of country as he displayed, 
the object now proposed will open the most ample field at home 
and abroad. 

There is nothing in the nature of mankind which renders war 
necessary and unavoidable—nothing which inclines them to it, 
which may not be overcome by the power of education, may ap¬ 
pear from what is discoverable in the two sects already mentioned. 
The Quakers and Shakers are of the same nature with other people, 
“men of like passions” with those who uphold the custom of war. 
All the difference between them and others results from education 
and habit. The principles of their teachers are diffused through 
their societies, impressed on the minds of old and young ; and an 
aversion to war and violence is excited, which becomes habitual, 
and has a governing influence on their hearts, their passions and 
their lives. 

If then it has been proved to be possible.h y the force of education, 
to prodivce such an aversion to war, that people will not defend their 
own lives by acts of violence ; shall it be thought impossible by 
similar means, to destroy the popularity of war, and exclude 
the deadly custom from the abodes of men ? 

The following things will perhaps be generally admitted ; that 
the Christian religion has abolished the practice of enslaving 
captives, and in several respects mitigated the evils of war, by in¬ 
troducing milder usages ; that if the temper of our Saviour should 
universally prevail among men, wars must cense to the ends of the 
earth ; that the scriptures give reason to hope such a time of peac© 
will result from the influence of the Christian religion. 

If these views and expectations are well founded, does it not 
follow ol course, that the spirit and custom of war is directly op¬ 
posed to the principles and spirit of the gospel; that in proportion 
as the gospel has its proper effect cn the minds of men, an aversion 


21 


to war must be excited; and that it is the duty of every Christian 
to do all in his power to bring the custom into disrepute, and to 
effect its abolition ? 

Can it be consistent with due regard to the gospel, for Christians 
to hold their peace, while they see a custom prevailing, which an¬ 
nually sweeps off myriads of their brethren, hurrying them into 
eternity by violence and murder ? Can they forbear to exert them¬ 
selves, to put an end to this voluntary plague? Can we feel a 
conviction that war is in its nature opposed to the principles and 
spirit of our religion, and that it is the purpose of God to put an 
end to this scourge by the influence of the gospel; and still sleep 
on without any effort to produce the effect, which we believe is in¬ 
tended by our heavenly Father? 

If the Christian religion is to put an end to war, it must be by 
the efforts of those who are under its influence. So long therefore 
■as Christians acquiesce in the custom, the desirable event will be 
delayed. 

Christianity is not itself a powerful intelligent agent . It is neither 
a God, an angel, nor a man. It is only a system of divine in¬ 
structions, relating to duty and happiness ; to be used by men for 
their own benefit, the benefit of each other, and the honor of its 
Author. Like all other instructions, they are of no use any farther 
than they are regarded and reduced to practice. 

In what way then is it possible that Christianity should put an 
end to war, but by enlightening the minds of men, as to the evil 
of the custom, and exciting them to an opposite course of conduct ? 
Is it possible that the custom of war should be abolished by the in¬ 
fluence of religion, while Christians themselves are its advocates ? 

If God has appointed that men should be saved by the preaching 
of the gospel, the gospel must be preached , or the end will never be 
accomplished. So if he has appointed that by the same gospel this 
world shall be delivered from war, this also must be effected by 
similar means. The tendency of the gospel to this effect must be 
illustrated and enforced ; its opposition to war must be displayed 
in the lives of Christians ; and men must be influenced by gospel 
motives to cease from destroying one another. 

There are other effects, which we expect will be produced by 
Christianity, namely, the abolition of heathen idolatry y and the va¬ 
rious modes of offering human sacrifices . But how are these events 
to be brought about ? Do we expect that our Bibles will spread 
their covers for wings, fly through the world, and convert the 
nations, without the agency of Christians ? Should we expect the 
gospel would ever convert the heathen from their idolatry, if those, 
who profess to be its friends, should themselves generally encourage 
idolaters in their present courses, by a compliance with their cus¬ 
toms ? Such expectations would be just as reasonable, as to expect 
the gospel will occasion wars to cease, without die exertions of 


Christians, and while they countenance the custom by their own 
examples. 

It will perhaps be pleaded, that mankind are not yet sufficiently 
enlightened, to apply the principles of the gospel for the abolition 
of war ; and that we must wait for a more improved state of socie¬ 
ty. Improved in what ? in the science of blood ? Are such 
improvements to prepare the way for peace ? Why not wait a 
few centuries, until the natives of India become more improved in 
their idolatrous customs, before we attempt to convert them to 
Christianity Do we expect that by continuing in the practice 
of idolatry, their minds will be prepared to receive the gospel ? If 
not, let us be consistent, and while we use means for the conversion 
of heathens, let means also be used for the conversion of Christians. 
For war is in fact a heathenish and savage custom, of the most ma¬ 
lignant, most desolating, and most horrible character. It is the 
greatest curse, and results from the grossest delusions that ever 
afflicted a guilty world. 

NOTE. 

After the preceding pages were chiefly in type, I saw for the first time, 
u The complaint of peace” and “ antipolemon,” written by Erasmus The 
coincidence of opinions and remarks must strike every reader, who shall 
compare the writings of Erasmus with this Review. He will, however, also 
perceive a disparity of eloquence not much to the honor of the latter. But 
should the Review be only the occasion of exciting Christians to read the 
more important work of Erasmus, my labour will neither be in vain nor re¬ 
gretted. In his discussion of the subject, there is a display of reason, religion 
and eloquence, calculated to convince every mind, which is not strongly 
fortified by the delusions of prejudice, and to interest every heart which is 
less hardened than Pharaoh’s. It is indeed astonishing that even popish 
prejudices could resist the force of his reasoning against the custom of war. 
As a specimen of his spirit and style, we quote the following passages, in re¬ 
ference to the custom of using the symbol of the Cross for a standard partak¬ 
ing of the Lord’s Supper before going to battle, and saying the Lord’s prayer. 

“ The absurdest circumstance of all those respecting the use of the cross 
as a standard is, that you see it glittering and waving high in air, in both 
the contending armies at once. Divine service is performed to the same Christ 
in both armies at the same time. What a shocking sight! Lo crosses dash¬ 
ing against crosses, and ciirist on this side firing bullets at christ on the 
other; Cross against Cross, and Christ against Christ!” He adds:— 

u Let us now imagine we hear a soldier among these fighting Christians 
saying the Lord’s prayer. ‘Our father,’ says he: O, hardened wretch! 
can you call him Father, when you are just going to cut your brother's 
throat? * Hallowed he thy name;' how can the name of God be more im¬ 
piously unhallowed , than by mutual bloody murder among you, his sons ? 

‘ Thy kingdom come ;’ do you pray for the coming of his kingdom, while you 
are endeavoring to establish an earthly despotism, by the spilling of the blood of 
God’s sons and subjects ? ‘ Thy will be done on earth, as it is in heaven His 
will in heaven is for peace, but you are now meditating war. Dare 
you say to your Father in heaven, ‘ Give us this day our daily bread,' when 
you are going the next minute to burn your brother's cornfields ; and had ra- 
fher lose the benefits of them yourself, than suffer him to enjoy them unmo¬ 
lested ? With what face can you say, ‘ Forgive us our trespasses, as we forgive 
those who trespass against us,' when so far from forgiving your own brother. 


23 


you are going, with all the haste you can, to murder him in cold blood, for 
an alleged trespass, which after all is but imaginary P Do you presume to de¬ 
precate danger of ‘ temptation ,’ who, not without great danger to yourself, 
are doing all you can to force your brother into danger ? Do you deserve to 
be delivered from evil, that is, from the evil being to whose impulse you sub¬ 
mit yourselt, and by whose spirit you are guided, in contriving the greatest 
possible evil to your brother ?” 

It may be doubted whether a complete history of all the conduct of in¬ 
fernal spirits would contain any thing more inconsistent, more abominable, 
or more to be deplored, than has appeared in the history of warring Christians. 
To behold two contending armies, from Christian nations, so deluded as mu¬ 
tually to offer prayers to the same benevolent God, for success in their 
attempts to butcher each other, is enough to fill the mind of any considerate 
person with amazement and horror, yea, a sight like this might cause weep¬ 
ing in heaven, and triumph in hell! 


LINES 

Occasioned by the efforts now making to disseminate 
Pacific Principles, 

From the Herald of Peace, JYo. 25, 

What gifts, what grace, has heaven bestow’d on thee, * 
Queen of the Isles, and Consort of the Sea, 

O England ! land of intellectual might, 

Of philosophic lore, and gospel light; 

Exalted “like a city on a hill,” 

“ With all thy faults” a land of freedom still; 

A land of many righteous, whence proceed 
Pure aims, high thought, and energetic deed. 

First from thy shores o’er Afric’s countless wrongs. 

Burst the loud clamour of a thousand tongues; 

’Tis thine to sooth the wretched, lead the blind. 

And fertilize a wilderness of mind ; 

From thee a zealous self-denying band 
Proclaim glad tidings over sea and land ; 

By thee the sacred rolls of truth unfurl’d. 

Shed light and comfort o’er a wondering world: 

These crown thee first of nations, grace thy name 
With real glory, and unsullied fame. 

Yet one foul stain thy just renown shall mar. 

Thy lordly pride, thy ardent love of War ; 

Thy haughty mien, thy domineering tone, 

Thy thirst of vengeance, quench’d by blood alone : 

Hence jealous nations execrate thy power, 

And triumph o’er thee in misfortune’s hour : 

E’en when thou deal’st destruction on thy foe, 

Straight on thyself recoils the deadly blow. 

Exhausted, faint, thou bleed’st at every pore, 

And fell disease corrodes thy vitals’ core. 



24 


Hence swarms a lawless and terrilic brood, 

Rank from the school of rapine, guile, and blood; 

Hence lamentation through the land prevails, 

And misery in all its dire details; 

Toil, want, and mourning in thy rural seats, 

Despair and fury in thy crowded streets; 

Hatred among the sons whom thou hast rear’d, 

And curses deep, where blessings should be heard. 

Not such the purpose of the heavenly birth. 

Fraught with good will to man, and peace on earth, 
And glory to the Highest—Not the theme 
Of Him who came to bless and to redeem, 

Grace in his words, and healing in his hand. 

Peace his last gift, and love his last command ; 

Not such the path his friends and followers trod, 

Not such the fervour in their hearts that glow’d. 

For Truth ; the warriors of unconquer’d mind. 

Careless of self, but ardent for mankind. 

Just, patient, temperate, and subdued in will, 

Scorn’d, wrong’d, and hated, but forgiving still. 

O England ! When thou weepest in the dust* 

For all the sins of thy ambition’s lust. 

For all the blood thy avarice has shed, 

For all the misery thy revenge has spread j 
When Peace-makers shall gain the high applause 
Now falsely lavish’d on the Warrior’s cause; 

When thy instructers shall true wisdom speak, 

Thy chiefs be merciful, thy people meek; 

Thy power display’d to succour, save, and bless; 

Still brave, but in the war of righteousness;— 

Then shall indeed the “ glorious gospel” shine, 

Its promis’d graces shall be richly thine; 

Enduring bliss shall be thy recompense. 

The guardian of thy weal Omnipotence ; 

And thou a land belov’d of Heaven shall be, 

Renown’d alike for Peace and Liberty. 

C. 


Plymouth . 









































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